(AP / Kevin Frayer) Who are these guys?
When I read the title of this Washington Post article a week ago, "CIA operatives in Libya to gather intelligence on rebel fighters" I thought there was a typo. Future tense? The lead cleared up any ambiguity: "The Obama administration has sent teams of CIA operatives into Libya in a rush to gather intelligence on the identity, goals and progress of rebel forces opposed to Libyan leader Moammar Gaddafi, according to U.S. officials."
How could we make strategic decisions like impozing a no-fly zone and launching airstrikes without intelligence assets on the ground? And why didn't we have anybody there in the first place? This is Libya, run by a madman who had orchestrated terrorist attacks against the United States and tried to acquire nuclear weapons. This is the country that has been sending the most fighters per capita to the global jihad. At first, I chose not to comment, realizing that, as a friend who had worked in the intelligence community noted, "always remember that the media has no [Gosh-Darn] idea what they are talking about when it comes to intel/defense." But as more information comes out, it looks like WaPo was spot on.
As reported today, "Obama administration officials have said recently they are leery of arming the rebel fighters until they have a better grasp of who, exactly, their leaders are, both politically and militarily, and whether they have any connections to radical Islam." It seems a little late, as we're already tied to the rebellion. As we mentioned almost a month ago, back when there was still time to decide if we wanted to throw our lots in with the rebels, there is reason to believe we may be assisting a second Mujahadeen. Another factor that would have been good to know before intervening was how much and what sort of help the rebels needed. The no-fly zone has proven insufficient and looks to be leading to a stalemate, while strikes against Libyan artillery have led to a shift to mortars which turned out to be equally dangerous.
Time and again, our defence policy proves that our advanced warfighting machines, airplanes and missiles generations ahead of the opposing forces, are insufficient when they operate in Information Access Inferiority.
By Alex Olesker


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